Stuart Lister's Publications
The Use and Impact of Dispersal Orders: Sticking Plasters and Wake-Up Calls (Policy Press, 2007), 77 + xiip,
Plural Policing: The Mixed Economy of Visible Patrols in England and Wales, Researching Criminal Justice (The Policy Press, 2005),
Patrolling with a Purpose: An Evaluation of Police Community Support Officers in Leeds and Bradford City Centres (CCJS Press, 2004), 89 + xip,
The Extended Policing Family: Visible Patrols in Residential Areas (York Publishing Services/Joseph Rowntree Foundation, 2004), 64p,
Great Expectations: Contracted Community Policing in New Earswick (York Publishing Services/Joseph Rowntree Foundation, 2003), 50 + xp,
Bouncers: violence and governance in the night-time economy (Oxford University Press, 2003), 323p,
This book explores the growth and development of the night-time economy in relation to the strategies of control imposed by commercial security agents.
‘Electing police and crime commissioners in England and Wales: prospecting for the democratisation of policing, Policing and Society’, Policing and Society, 25.4 (2015), 358-377,
DOI: 10.1080/10439463.2013.868461, Repository URL: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/109225/
This article explores the prospects for greater democratic governance and accountability of policing arising from the inaugural elections for Police and Crime Commissioners (PCCs) across England and Wales. It argues that the democratic credentials of PCCs have been undermined not only by a failure of local politics to confer on them a strong mandate but also by wider inadequacies in how their role and remit have been defined and structured in law. The analysis proceeds to consider whether PCCs represent a truly local vision of governance, particularly in the light of the size of their areas of jurisdiction, but also given the centralised political affiliations of many PCCs. The implications for whether PCCs will be able to deliver a more socially democratic form of policing are discussed. The article concludes by suggesting the prospects for more democratically governed policing depend on a much wider range of social, economic and political features than a cyclical election for a Commissioner. Few of these are within the remit of PCCs and the risk of populism and majoritarianism might mean that the new office privileges rather than democratises local policing.
‘Scrutinising the role of the Police and Crime Panel in the new era of police governance in England and Wales’, Safer Communities, 14.1 (2014), 22-31,
‘The New Politics of the Police: Police and Crime Commissioners and the ‘Operational Independence’ of the Police’, Policing’, Policing, 7.3 (2013), 239-247,
‘This Town’s a Different Town Today: Policing and Regulating the Night-time Economy’, Criminology and Criminal Justice 2009,
This paper considers recent policing and regulatory responses to the night-time economy in England and Wales. Drawing upon the findings of a broader two-year qualitative investigation of local and national developments in alcohol policy, it identifies a dramatic acceleration of statutory activity, with twelve new or revised powers, and several more in prospect, introduced by the Labour Government within its first decade in office. Interview data and documentary sources are used to explore the degree to which the introduction of such powers, often accompanied by forceful rhetoric and high profile police action, has translated into a sustained expansion of control. Many of the new powers are spatially directed, as well as being focused upon the actions of distinct individuals or businesses, yet the willingness and capacity to apply powers to offending individuals in comparison to businesses is often variable and asymmetrical. The practice of negotiating order in the night-time economy is riddled with tensions and ambiguities that reflect the ad hoc nature and rapid escalation of the regulatory architecture. Night-time urban security governance is understood as the outcome of subtle organisational and interpersonal power-plays. Social orders, normative schemas and apportionments of blame thus arise as a byproduct of patterned (structural) relations.
‘Additional Security Patrols in Residential Areas: Notes from the Marketplace’, Policing and Society, 16.2 (2006), 164-188,
This paper presents an overview of an emerging market in residential security patrols in England and Wales. Drawing on recent empirical research, it outlines the fragmented and uneven nature of current developments and highlights coordination deficits and the absence of regulatory oversight. The research illustrates how the growth in competitive relations between different providers of patrol can stymie the development of effective networked security alliances. It demonstrates the capacity of additional policing schemes to fuel unrealistic expectations among local publics and raise security thresholds. Furthermore, it highlights how policing as commodity through residential patrols can foster exclusionary tendencies by serving parochial rather than public interests. This raises important challenges that demand robust forms of governance and accountability to guarantee an equitable and fair distribution of policing and security.
‘Violent Hypocrisy: Governance and the Night-Time Economy’, European Journal of Criminology, 2.2 (2005), 161-183,
‘Violence and Control in the Night-Time Economy’, European Journal of Crime, Criminal Law and Criminal Justice, 13.1 (2005), 89-102,
‘The Patchwork Future of Reassurance Policing in England & Wales: Integrated Local Security Quilts or Frayed, Fragmented and Fragile Tangled Webs?’, Policing: An International Journal of Police Strategies and Management, 27.3 (2004), 413-430,
This article presents an overview and assessment of recent reforms that have contributed to a pluralisation and fragmentation of policing in England and Wales. It considers the emergence of new forms of visible policing both within and beyond the public police. These include the growth of private security guards and patrols, local auxiliaries such as neighbourhood wardens and the introduction of second tier police personnel in the shape of the new police community support officers. To varying degrees plural forms of policing seek to offer public reassurance through visible patrols. The article goes on to explore the complex nature of relations between the ‘extended police family’ and the different modes of governance they suggest. It concludes with a consideration of the future shape of reassurance policing.
‘Location, Location, Location: Preventing Alcohol related violence via developmental controls’, Criminal Justice Matters, ed. by Braggins J, 47 (2002), 34-35,
‘Door Lore: The Art and Economics of Intimidation’, The British Journal of Criminology, ed. by Shapland J, 42.2 (2002), 352-370,
‘Violence as a Commercial Resource’, Journal of Forensic Psychiatry, ed. by Bowden EP and Bucanan A, 12.2 (2002), 245-249,
‘Closing Time for Crime and Disorder. More late-night pubs and clubs have resulted in increased crime and disorder’, Police Review, 109ii.5650 (2001), 20-21,
‘Accounting for Bouncers: occupational licensing as a mechanism for regulation’, Criminal Justice Journal, 1.4 (2001), 363-384,
‘The '24-Hour City' - Condition Critical?’, Town and Country Planning, 70.11 (2001), 300-302,
‘Get Ready To Duck: Bouncers and the Reality of Ethnographic Research on Violent Groups’, The British Journal of Criminology, ed. by Shapland J, 41.3 (2001), 536-548,
‘Be Nice: the training of bouncers’, Criminal Justice Matters, ed. by Braggins J, 45 (2001), 20-21,
‘Plural Policing and the Challenge of Democratic Accountability’, in Accountability of Policing, ed. by Lister SC and Rowe M, Routledge Frontiers of Criminal Justice, 1st (London: Routledge, 2016), 192-213,
Repository URL: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/109229/
This chapter explores the accountability of the mixed economy of public and private policing in the England and Wales. Its starting point is the recognition that a variety of public, private and hybrid actors are engaged in the authorization and provision of policing. As a consequence, the article does not restrict its analytical gaze to how state power, as deployed by police forces, is made accountable. Rather, it considers how, under market conditions, networks of plural policing can be governed according to, and accommodated within, a set of democratic principles. In so doing, it is argued that ‘local security networks’ comprising state, civil society and market actors, and whose governance and accountability mechanisms frequently stand outside of extant political structures, raise specific challenges if they are to be governed not only effectively but also democratically. The article proceeds to consider options for bringing democratically accountable governance to plural policing networks.
‘Confiscation of Criminal Assets in England and Wales: Rhetoric and Reality’, in Dirty Assets: Emerging Issues in the Regulation of Criminal and Terrorist Assets, ed. by King C and Walker C (Farnham: Ashgate., 2014), 47-69,
‘Police and Policing’, in Criminal Justice, ed. by Hucklesby A and Wahidin A (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), 37-58,
‘Plural Policing, Local Communities and the market in visible patrols’, in Supporting Safe Communities: Housing, crime and communities, ed. by Dearling and others (Chartered Institute of Housing, 2006), 95-113,
‘Deconstructing Distraction Burglary: an ageist offence’, in Ageing, Crime and Society, ed. by Wahidin A and Cain M (Willan, 2006),
Distraction burglary is broadly understood to be a professional crime that specifically victimises older people. It differs from more conventional forms of burglary because offenders engage with their victims. It therefore displays fairly high levels of organisation and planning and can have devastating effects upon its victims. This chapter draws upon the findings of recent research into the victimisation of older people to deconstruct distraction burglary. In three parts the chapter tells a complex, but important story, and in so doing reviews and also challenges some of the assumptions the underpin the debates over distraction burglary. In part one, our research argues that distraction burglary should be viewed as a family of offences, each variations on the theme, but displaying different modus operandi. Some of these variations are highly organised, cold and calculating patterns of offending behaviour that show the hallmarks of being culturally reproduced across generations of offenders. Others, however, appear to be carried out on-the-spur-of-the-moment and are largely opportunistic. But, to complicate the typology, distraction burglars also tend to be very reflexive to their situation. So, what may start off as a distraction sometimes ends up as an aggravated burglary (barge in). Clearly, distraction burglars are not a heterogeneous group and are therefore hard to access for research. In part two, our research also reveals that the combination of the aggravated nature of the offence and the vulnerability of its victims makes incidents of distraction burglary highly newsworthy. However, in its reportage, the media tends to construct older people as the victims, often at expense of other social groups, thus shaping the formation of remedic policy whilst at the same time reinforcing the idea of older people as potential victims and identifying opportunities for offenders. Furthermore, policy responses to distraction burglary are shaped by the impact of publicity upon a very sympathetic public. Increased public ‘knowledge’ of the issue can lead to a rise in levels of reporting by the public and also rates of recording by the police because of sensitisation towards the issue within the police service. In the case of the latter, not only are police officers themselves subject to media sensitisation, but public concerns about the offence also lead to calls for the police organisation to respond. Unfortunately, the increases in reporting and recording rates give the outward impression of rising rates of distraction burglary and the publication of the statistics becomes a newsworthy event and contributes further to the media frenzy. This chain of events creates problems for the subsequent management of public expectations of policies designed to reduce distraction burglaries, especially as it reinforces, but also ‘reifies’ the notion of older people as a coherent unit for the delivery of criminal justice policy.
‘Bouncers and the Social Context of Violence: Masculinity, Class and Violence in the Night-time Economy’, in The Meanings of Violence, ed. by Stanko PB (Routledge, 2002), 1, 165-184,
Street Policing of Problem Drug Users, in Street Policing of Problem Drug Users, (http://www.jrf.org.uk/sites/files/jrf/2170-policing-drugs-crime.pdf: Joseph Rowntree Foundation, 2008),
Evaluation of the Leeds Distraction Burglary Initiative, in Home Office Online Reports, (Home Office, 2004), 0-79,
This report evaluates the Leeds Distraction Burglary Initiative (LDBI), which was a two-year crime reduction project designed to reduce incidents of distraction burglary within the Metropolitan District of Leeds, West Yorkshire.
A Study of Visible Security Patrols in Residential Areas, (Joseph Rowntree Foundation, 2004),
An Evaluation of a Contracted Community Policing Experiment, (Joseph Rowntree Foundation, 2003),